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This chapter recounts the women’s diverse birthing experiences. These include healthy full-term births, as well as stillbirths and births to frail children with disabilities. There are also more taboo experiences, such as babies being smothered when they are born intersex and babies being born despite multiple attempts to abort them. Although some women are denied help during childbirth by racist white doctors, others find that their doctors waive their fees, and still others recruit Japanese midwives. Many women try to give birth quickly and discreetly so as to return to normal life as soon as possible: “[W]e gave birth behind a lace curtain at Adachi’s Barbershop in Gardena while our husband was giving Mr. Ota his weekly shave” (56). Some women’s babies resemble relatives they left behind, reminding them of life in Japan. Overall, the women experience birth as a too frequent inconvenience, stating they “g[i]ve birth to so many children [they] quickly los[e] track of the years” (57).
As the women’s babies grow into children, the women continue to prioritize the work that enables them to provide for their families. However, regardless of how hard the adults work, they will never be able to buy land in the United States owing to racist laws that prevent Asian immigrants from doing so. When the children are small, the women allow them to play on the sidelines of the women’s workplaces. As they grow, the children help out with the work. Some of them have fatal accidents because they receive insufficient care. The fathers have a hands-off approach and leave all aspects of childrearing to the mothers. The mothers marvel at how different the children are from one another and try to teach them everything they know—not only what they themselves learned in Japan, but what they have since concluded about how to stay safe in a country where the public is hostile to their presence.
Women who are unable to conceive feel saddened that they will not be able to pass on their ancestors’ spirits; they think that coming to America was pointless. A few are sent back to Japan by husbands who divorce them.
Prior to entering school, the children have no contact with white children or with hallmarks of white childhood such as toys. At school, following an awkward adjustment period where they speak imperfect English, the children soon become so proficient in the language that it eclipses their knowledge of Japanese. Some change their names to anglicized alternatives. The anglicized children adopt American habits and mock what they perceive as their parents’ quaint Japanese ways. The women sense that their children are ashamed of them.
As teenagers, some children stand out for being star students, gang-leaders, or suicides. Others feel themselves to be second-class citizens in a country where they can only swim in the local pool on “colored" days and “[keep] their heads down and tr[y] not to be seen” (76).
Still, nothing can stop the children from dreaming of bright futures where they can escape the restrictions that have defined their parents’ lives. The women see “the darkness coming” but let the children dream on nevertheless (79).
These chapters portray the women’s experiences of birth and childrearing. Although different in some ways, these pursuits recall their mothers’ experiences in Japan. Despite the change in location, it is still the early 20th century; whether the women can have children, how many they will have, and how healthy they will be are factors outside of their control. The myriad birthing locations and types of birth are a type of lottery echoing the women’s experiences of marriage. If the husband was the first stranger, the baby and the type of birth are the second.
Even as the first-person plural voice continues, there are also mentions of individual women’s experiences—for example, “[W]e gave birth like Makiyo, in a barn out in Maxwell, while lying on a thick bed of straw” (55). The unique details of this birth indicate the women’s resistance to being an anonymous mass, even as they frame their experience as a collective one. There are also first-person accounts, such as “I watched my mother do it many times” (55), which are individual and collective at the same time.
As mothers, the women try to teach their children various scraps of knowledge gleaned from their own mothers back home in Japan and from what they have learned since moving to America. When the children go to school, they dismiss everything their mothers know as irrelevant and parochial, subduing their Japanese in favor of perfect English and replacing the names their parents gave them with English alternatives. The women are pained to find that their children are ashamed of them for their imperfect English and work-worn appearance. They find that how their tall, heavy, loud children think and behave is another factor outside their control; they belong more to America than to their mothers.
The mothers too serve America at the expense of their children, as both birth and childrearing must accommodate the work that gives them income and purpose. The children, who settle within view of the fields where their mothers work and are tied to chairs when they become older and “more rambunctious” (60), imitate their mothers in subordinating their individual needs. Work often defines the children’s lives, and they strive to both excel and fit in. Prior to the internment camp experience that curtails their freedoms further, the children try to live the American Dream, working hard in the hope of surpassing their parents’ quality of life.
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